ISPaD Partition Center Journal 2023

ISSN 2377-7567

76 Years of Indian Partition; India-Pakistan Independence

52 Years of Bangladesh Independence & Genocide,

& Pakistan Partition

Editor: Dr. Sachi G. Dastidar

Published by

Indian Subcontinent Partition Documentation Project (ISPaD)

Established: 2009

Jamaica, Queens, New York City

Table of Contents

The ISPaD Project Annual Report – How this NGO has a Tangible “Lifesaving Impact”, even Before Merging with The Probini Foundation Shuvo G Dastidar Page 1

Gift of Freedom-1947&1971 Gobinda Chandra Pramanik P 3

Partition Casualty and Its Restoration: With Mother’s Blessing on August 18, 2023, Energizes an Oppressed Community in Bangladesh, Rebuilding Its 1700s Destroyed Shrine Sachi Ghosh Dastidar P 17

Relationship Between Past and Future Pervez Hoodbhoy P 27

When A Nation Takes a Leap Rajat Mitra P 38

Sponsors: 41-42

Cover Picture: August 2003 Celebration by local Lakshman-kathi Villagers in Bangladesh for reestablishing on August 18, 2023 a 1700s Shrine of Black Mother destroyed in post-Partition 1950s pogrom. Cover Photo Credit: Sachi G. Dastidar

Availability: ISPaD Office, 85-60 Parsons Blvd, Ist Floor, Jamaica, NY 11432 Phone: 917-524-0035 Email: Ispad1947@gmail.com

Web: YouTube— ispad1947 Channel.

Blog: Empireslastcasualty.blogspot, and Empireslastcasualty2.blogspot

Editorial Board: Dr. Sachi G. Dastidar, Editor, New York; Dr. Alireza Ebrahimi, Dr. Saradindu Mukherji, Dr. Mohsin Siddique, Dr. Caroline Sawyer, Dr. Edi Manetovic

Price $5.00

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The ISPaD Project Annual Report – How this NGO has a Tangible “Lifesaving Impact”, even Before Merging with The Probini Foundation

Shuvo G. Dastidar
Coordinator
Any attempt to conceptualize and summarize what to include in a clever, concise, professional Summary of the Indian Subcontinent Partition Documentation (ISPaD) Project’s Annual Report, would put anyone in quite a bind. Internal debate against/within ISPaD ensues, including even with oneself, about how much of a Summary should be sharing the “difficulties” & “successes” of ISPaD since last year’s Annual Report. An Annual Report has and shall retain much focus upon the combination of ISPaD, and now Probini, undeniably because of its magnitude and sizable aspects/ effects that “reveal themselves”, being previously unbeknownst to anyone in the NGOs.
Such a debate, though, is redundant thus pointless. The most important and relevant matter is what percent of this Annual Report Summary should be novel aspirations & efforts & events that ISPaD has contemplated, begun, completed and/or continues undertaking. Concurrently, what percent of the Summary should be the nuances of how & why the merger of the 2 NGOs – The Indian Subcontinent Partition Documentation (ISPaD) Project and The Probini Foundation – has begun, been going forward and working. Calculating percentages is ultimately irrelevant: basic writing of significant, new matters constitutes an Annual Report Summary. (Dr. Dilip Nath, below)

Crucial to construction of an Annual Report Summary article, is acknowledging that ISPaD has been working against, as well as is driven (even before its “official inception”), by a TIMELINE. The timeline reference here is a metaphorical symbol and also, unfortunately, a real, true, and ongoing historical struggle to ensure Partition of the Indian Subcontinent is accurately, fully, and properly Documented. ISPaD has made great progress, in several aspects, to document and preserve the events before, during, and after Partition of India, and to bring the world closer to knowing about the extent, geographically, politically, and temporally, of Partition of The Indian Subcontinent (an effort that would not be possible without commitment, partnership, and support of those like any who read this).

    Words thus far, are by no means simply regurgitating the Mission Statements of The ISPaD Project and The Probini Foundation but have been written in a manner to emphasize and draw attention to the fact that combination of the 2 necessitates growth beyond basic addition. The ~merging of the two NGOs into one NGO is obviously not the simple addition of ISPaD and Probini into a large NGO where ISPaD and Probini continue their work previously, adjacent to each other.
    This Summary truly begins to share what has recently happened, as Co-founder and Chairman of the Board of Directors, Dr. Sachi G. Dastidar, nominated Dr. Dilip Nath, to be the Chair of the Board. Of his own volition, he has chosen to step down as Chair of the ISPaD Project. The entire ISPaD Project team has extended both congratulations and excitement for Dilip Nath’s accepting the honor and responsibilities of the role & title of Chair. A monumental change, which is welcomed by all as Dilip Nath was once a student of Dr. Dastidar at SUNY Old Westbury. Dr. Nath has been a Member of ISPaD Board over a decade. Dr. Dastidar will remain a member of the ISPaD Board of Directors. Everyone should applaud this significant internal progress and transition that ISPaD has made. In August-September of 2022, we donated to 15 schools and orphanages in India and Bangladesh. We have been trying to and are working towards building a Partition Studies Museum in the ISPaD building in Jamaica, NY, following the example of a small, popular museum in the Poconos that the Dastidars and Dr. Alireza Ebrahimi visited together in August of 2021.     We thank New York State Assemblywoman Jennifer Rajkumar for being the keynote speaker on November 19, 2022. Unknown to ISPaD, her family is a victim of Partition of India.

Hon. Rajkumar    Prof. Saci G. Dastidar
This year, ISPaD hosted the 12^th Annual Partition Studies Conference, it was decided to ramp up the yearly celebrations with not only numerous speaking sessions but also several fun activities for everyone.
This year’s speakers included Dr. Dwijen Bhattacharya, Dr. Nuran Nabi and Mr. Utsav Chakraborty on “Bengali Genocide 1971” chaired by Dr. Dastidar. In addition, Mr. Hasan and other victims of Islamic Republic of Pakistan’s genocide in 1971 spoke. Our institution has had the opportunity to invite speakers from all over the world making it a more inclusive and more expert-based event. The event was interactive and it involved the Q&A hour.
   Sachi G. Dastidar released our 2022 Journal to Dr. Alireza Ebrahimi with writings of partitioned India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, and more. Please collect that from our Partition Center. All of our Board Members addressed the Annual forum that ended with lunch.

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Gift of Freedom-1947&1971

Gobinda Chandra Pramanik

Bangladesh Rights Worker

Muslim community started genocide to establish an Islamic State dividing mother Bharat, when Bharat was dreaming for freedom after thousand years of subordination. Gandhi followers thought that Muslim community will come back to right track even after riots of Noakhali, Kolkata, Bihar in 1946. But bloodshed started in west Punjab just before division of Bharat spreading ashes over their behind trust. Never before was such man slaughtering in the history of world. Their only goal was to established Islamic rule in Pakistan making it` kafir free’. Armed Muslim started their killing festival chanting loudly Allah-Akbar. Any word yet to be discovered in the dictionary with whom that barbaric devastation can be described even partially. This riot started in Lahore town of West Punjab. They attacked Sikhs like wild boar. Total area become a large devastated spot. 3000 humans were killed. Dead bodies were laying here and there. GOC of Northern Command of Indian Army Lt. General Frank Me became extremely perturbed seeing the riot devastation riding in helicopter. (Freedom at Midnight, Colince & Lepiar, p.188)

Entire West Punjab become a large slaughter house. Hindus and Sikhs who could escape fled to Hindustan (Bharat/India) by train or walking. English historian Leonard Mosley described it as greatest exodus in human history. Lakhs of people were walking. They were in line miles after miles. In such a group were 8 lakhs refugees. Flight Lt. Pobant Singh described his experience, ``Villages in all sides were burning. Men were moving like current of ants” Another pilot described ``Even after piloting the helicopter for 15 minutes at the speed of 250 miles per hour I could not see tail of the line’’ English historian Leonard Mosley described about such a 78-mile-long line of Hindus and Sikhs. (The last days of British Raj, p.280)

They were moving after losing everything. They were helpless, fearful, frightened, injured, totally collapsed mentally. They were deeply shocked losing their loved ones, their heart was full of pain, but tears dried. That was a heartbreaking scene…``old mother was on the shoulder of her son, sick wife on the shoulder of her husband, child on the lap of his mother. Pregnant wife walking days after days with the help of her husband. Too long was the way more than 100 miles. In this long way many even did not get one piece of bread or one sip of water. Distance between Lahore and Amritsar is 45 miles. Both the side of this highway was like a graveyard. Dead bodies were laying everywhere. Either they were killed, or died suffering from diseased. Vultures, jackals and dogs were enjoying human flesh. At the Pakistan part of this highway Muslim slaughterers and looters were waiting. They were attacking these helpless refugees here and then. They were killing them and looting their last possession. This is like leopards are caching dears as we see in discovery TV channel.

Thousands of men fled by train. All the train station was full of brightened men. But Vrunbee, a Hindu school teacher was not fortunate enough. He was sitting inside the train for hours with his wife and two children, but train did not start. At last, only the engine of the train moved leaving behind the coaches. The unfortunate refugees were afraid. Unnatural silences were there. All on a sudden a volunteer armed Muslim mob attacked the train chanting Allah-ho-Akbar. in discriminate killing started. Some were thrown to platform. Many tried to run away. But they were caught and killed brutally. Then the dead and half dead persons were thrown to a nearby well. The school teacher, his wife and children were holding each other. Killer gang was coming shooting fire. His wife told later, my husband and only son got fatal bullet injury. My son was crying for a drop of water. I cried for help but none came. At last, he died uncared. Blood was coming out from my husband’s head. He also died in front of me. Daughters were grabbing me strongly. Attackers threw us out. They snatched my three elder daughters. Eldest daughter was hit in her head. She was shouting and crying for `mother, mother…’ After some time, they threw the bodies of my husband and son to the well. There were 2000 passengers in that train. Among them only 100 could survive. (Freedom at midnight, p298-299)

Kashmiri Lal was coming to Bharat by train. Border was still 14 miles away. Speed of that train was very slow. A group of Muslims jumped into one coach seeing there many Hindu women. They snatched their ornaments. Some Muslims threw young girls outside. They also came down to rape them. With terrible fear other passengers ran to Kashmiri Lal’s coach. Killers followed them. Them started killing. Kashmiri Lal's body was opened by two knife wounds. He fell on the floor. Some other bodies were on him. Before losing sense he felt someone was taking shoes from his legs. In next coach there were Dhoniram, his wife and four children. As attack started, they jumped to the floor. Within a second, they were covered by dead bodies. There was blood of blood. Dhoniram made himself blood cheeked. A killers thought him dead and left.

In Peshawar, thousands of Pathans with gun came to Peshawar by bus, truck and riding horses. 10,000 Sikhs and Hindus were killed in only 7 days. Riot spread all over the state.

Amritsar railway station was full of refugees came from West Pakistan. Many families were separated due to riot. Husband, wife, mother, son, brother, sister took their way to Bharat without looking at others. So, when a train was coming from Pakistan there were huge uncontrolled rush in search for near and dear ones.

15^th August 1947 Bharat was celebrating its first Independence Day. Nehru will take oath. All are busy. Another part of that historic day. Amritsar railway station. No. 10 Down Express train was coming from Pakistan. Station master Chani Sing managed to come to platform penetrating through huge gathering. He saw four armed guards by the side of the driver. He was afraid. Certainly, something seriously wrong had happened. Anxious public became shocked for unknown reason. Station master looked at 8 coaches of the train. He saw all the doors were closed and windows were open. Not a single passenger was coming out. `` Cani Sing entered into first coach. He got a great shock. He found only dead bodies. On the floor there were parts of human bodies here and there. All of a sudden, he heard a fable voice. He shouted ` you are now in Amritsar. We are Hindus and Sikhs. Here are police. Don’t be afraid. After hearing his voice a few bodies started movement. But then what he saw was thick clot of blood everywhere. He would never forget this scenario in his whole life. A woman cried loudly holding her husband’s head that was separated from the body with sharp sword. Children were crying holding bodies of their father and mother. Station master was moving to other coaches' stepping over the dead bodies. Some scene in all coaches. …In the last coach there was a writing in white color, ``this train is our gift of freedom to Nehru and Patel.” (Freedom at midnight, p272)

Kuldeep Sing was 14 when his home was in a village north of Lahore. There were 600 Muslims and only 50 Hindu-Sikhs in that village. One day Muslim neighbors came to their locality and shouted, ``If you want to be alive, leave Pakistan”. For short they took shelter at an influential Sikh's house, ``Muslims attacked that house with sword, knifes, iron rods. We threw stones from rooftop. They made fire around that house; they cached a Sikh and sparked fire in his beard. They entered into the house; started killing one by one. I was terrified and went to the rooftop. Women also gathered there. They were seeing everything. They knew that their time was coming. Some of them were caring children on their laps. they created a large fire. At first, they threw their beloved kids to fire. Then all of them committed suicide jumping into that fire. (Freedom at Midnight, p298-299). In the riot of 1947 in west Pakistan lakhs of Hindus were killed and lakhs of Hindu women were abducted and raped. There are lakhs of Hindu men and women were forcefully converted to Islam. One eyewitness was Bagh Das of Lyallpur. He was a farmer. He was taken to a mosque with 300 other Hindus. They were instructed to wash their hands and legs in nearly pond. Then they were instructed to sit inside the mosque. One cleric came and recited some verses from Quran. Then he said, `` now two path is open for you. Either you become Muslim and enjoy life, or be ready for death.” Bagh Das admitted that they became Muslim. Then they all were given Islamic names. They were compelled to recite a verse of Quran. In the territory of mosque cow meat was cooked. All of them were taken and compelled to eat beef. Bagh Das was a vegetarian. He got vomiting tendency. He managed somehow. Otherwise, he had to die. One Brahmin was in that group. He told the Muslims that it was holy festival, ``If you permit, i shall go to my home with my wife and three children. I got as dowry beautiful forks and plate. I shall bring those to eat beef. Muslims were happy to permit him. There was a sharp knife in the house of that Brahmin. With that knife he killed his wife and three children and then killed himself. (Freedom at Midnight, p287-288)

How many people were killed in West Pakistan in riots of 1947. It is not possible to give accurate figure. Whole West Pakistan was devastated by riots from march to September. Muslims performed riots without fear. Government of Pakistan did not take any reassure to protect Hindus and Sikhs. Muslim police and military were silent spectator. The letter of British Governor of West Pakistan written to Jinnah on 5th September was very significant, ``I told everybody that I am not at all interested how Sikhs would cross over to India, main problems how soon Pakistan would be free from Sikhs.” According to unofficial estimate 25-30 lakhs (2.5 to 3 million) people were killed in west Pakistan. As one crore 50 lakhs (15 million) Hindus and Sikhs were compelled to cross over to Bharat at that time, this figure doesn’t seem to be inaccurate.

According to Justice G.D Khashla death casualties were 5 lakhs (500,000). British historian Leonard Mosley wrote in his book, `the last days of British Raj’ Due to these riots one crier 50 (5 million) lakhs Hindus and Sikhs left West Pakistan. 6 lakh (600,000) Sikh were killed, one lakh (100,000) women were abducted from East Pakistan one crore and 60 lakhs (16 million) Hindus become refugees. Pakistan became Hindu free.

After riot of 1946 (in British Colonial India) all the Hindu aristocrat left the country (East Pakistan) leaving behind all their assets including land property. In East Pakistan 98% land lords were Hindus. Estate Acquisition and Tenancy Act was introduced to grab their properties. Land lords of West Pakistan were Muslims. So, their properties were intact. But properties of East Pakistani Hindus were snatched away. Hindu land lords were compelled to save their lives leaving the country in dark night as poppers. Hindu farmers and low paid professionals were left behind.

Scheduled cast leader Jogendra Nath Mondol took membership of Muslim League and was in a dream that Pakistan would become heaven on the earth. He is the only Hindu who confidently declared Pakistan as holy land. He thought bright future was waiting for the scheduled cast community in this holy land. But his dream was broken one day. He ran away to Bharat in September 1950, though he was a very trusted person of Muslim League. He left central cabinet of Pakistan on 8th October 1950, sitting in Bharat. Jagen Babu did a great joy legally and illegally to march in sync with Pakistan. That Jogen Babu gave a pathetic description of Muslim’s atrocity over the Sylheti Hindus in 1950in 13th clause of his resignation letter. He wrote, ``…at that time I was in Dhaka for 7 days. I visited most of the riot affected areas of Dhaka city. Hundreds of innocent Hindus were killed in Dhaka Narayangonj and Dhaka-Chittagong rail route. … I went to Barisal on 20th February 1950. I was astonished after hearing the cruelty happened there…around 200 people were killed at the Madhabpasa. Landlord’s residence…Muladi area become a hell. I heard that all adult Hindu male were killed and young Hindu women were distributed around the gang leaders. …in detailed note it was known that 2500 Hindus were killed only in Barisal district. At that pogrom of East Bengal around 10,000 Hindus were killed. I was rather mum with deep sorrow. Many women and children lost everything including their dearest one. Their tears were not possible to enrage with mare sympathy. I questioned myself, what came to Pakistan in the name of Islam. (Clonese 22) …after deep thinking for many days I came to conclusion that Pakistan was not for Hindus and was covered with ill possibilities of their conversion or extinction. Large number of caste Hindus and political conscious scheduled caste Hindus left East Bengal. I am fearful that Hindus echo would be compelled to stay in this misfortunate province and Pakistan they would be forcefully concerted or vanished.

1964: This are really become mind-free. How many people were killed in East Pakistan? None counted. There were none to count. There was very rare case that 1 or 2 members of affected families survived.

Then in the freedom struggle of 1971 Hindu community lost everything. In 1971 Muslims established such an example of killing, looting, burning, women abduction and rape which is incomparable in modern history. In the beginning of liberation war Rao Farman Ali declared clearly, `` Hindus are kafir (non-believers).” He ordered to kill Hindus and to destroy their properties. In a very short time this order was affected successfully. 80% Hindu houses were destroyed, and their properties were looted throughout the country. Lt. Col. Aziz Ahmed khan (witness no. 276) in his testimony at Hamidur Rahman Commission said, “Lt. General Niazi asked when he visited Thakurgaon and Bagura, ``how many Hindus you could kill?”” (H.R. Report, p.9)

Mr. Archar k. Bard was U.S. Consul General at Dhaka from march 1970 to June 1971. This diplomat as eyewitness wrote…” on 14th we returned to Hindu issue. We wrote in a telegram about Hindu killing. We are getting detailed information through many trusted eye witness and other sources that army men entering into villages enquiring at first that where are Hindus. They are going there and killing Hindu males…armed forces searching for such enemies throughout the province to flash out them and Hindus are being killed in all places…this belief was growing among us that Pakistan Army took a calculated plan to make East Pakistan free of Hindus…more than once Pakistani military told me loudly that they come to East Pakistan to kill the Hindus.” (Prothom Alo, 24th March, 1999). Many people may think that mass Hindu killing, looting and grabbing Hindu properties, abduction of Hindu women by Muslims were the past events of middle age, but today its repetition is not possible. Now the country and society has advanced much in the path of civilization. So, there is no format of such barbarism from Muslims. These fellows do not know that through entire world advanced towards civilization, Islam, Quran as well as Muslim society remain in middle age till today. They have not advanced a single step in the dissection of civilization. Quran and Hadis inspired Muslims to do all misdeeds in the middle age. The same looks are inspiring that to continue the same barbaric activities till today. Changes in those books are impossible. So, no change in the mindset of Muslim about kefirs. They are waiting only for opportune moments. If the chance comes Muslims will slaughter kefirs to curable fellow of blood. They will make hill with the bodies of kefirs, will loot kafir women and will destroy to dust the temples of kefirs. Only difference will be, in past they used swords, bows and arrows, now they will use AK-47 rifles, grenades, rocket launchers, bombs etc. Aim is the same, to destroy kefirs and to rise the victory flag of Islam.

Freedom of Bangladesh in 1971

Poet said, ``who want to live without freedom” Binoy, Badal, Denish, Surya Sen, Pritilata sacrificed their lives in colonial British era. Many youths including Khudiram were hanged to death by the British. But they got Pakistan. When Hindus of this land were sacrificing themselves, hanging to death, going to jail, forced to exile in Andaman to drive away foreign British’s, then Muslims of Bengal were trying to make this province a Muslim state. ``Pakistan is creation of Bangladeshis… 97% Muslims of Bengal casted their votes in favor of Muslim League on Pakistan issue in the election of 1946.’’So if we discuss 1971, 1947 also comes as relevant. Because freedom was earned twice with sincere will and struggle of Bengalis. To gain Pakistan ex-Mayor of Kolkata Md. Osman Khan made a statement calling the mujahedeen, `` First open war between Islam and kefirs started in the month of Ramadan. We own the battle of Mecca and destroyed the idol worshipers in the month of Ramadan. It is the will of Allah that All India Muslim League selected the month of Ramadan to start Jihad for creating Pakistan.” The genocide of Noakhali was also performed in the name of Jihad. One MLA (of British Bengal Province) named Golam Sarwar called for this Jihad. Jorge Samson in his description of that killing said, ``In every village’s description of forced conversion of Hindus in mass scale Islam has found. In many cases when males objected, their wife were caught and forced to be Muslim. After genocide of 1946 almost the entire aristocrat Hindus left the country. They left behind all their assets and properties. 99% of the land lords in East Bengal were Hindus. Estate acquisition and tenancy act was passed to grave these Hindu properties. But in West Pakistan land lord system was intact at the landlords were Muslims. Hindu landlords were compelled to live Pakistan secretly in darkness of night boding behind all their wealth. Hindu middle class, politically conscious Hindus and Hindu farmers stayed back. 72 seats were reserved for Hindus in Pakistan parliament. That was also abolished in the name of non-communal joint electorate system. No place was left to speak against atrocities. Then came 1964. Hindus of East Pakistan were slaughtered with an issue that Indian Muslims were tortured. It looks a devastating shape in Narayangonj. Labors of Adamjee Jute mill came out with sword and other lethal homemade weapons. Thousands of Hindus were brutally killed at Rupganj, Araihazar, and Sonargoan of Narayangonj district. Hindus were afraid and tried to escape by train. One such train was stopped over Bhairab Bridge and all Hindu passengers were butchered. Flood of blood covered all the coaches. River Turag near Tongi and river Brahmmaputra near Langalbandh became red with blood. Dead bodies were laying here and there beside the rail line between Brahmmanbaria to Tongi. This area became Hindu free totally. Hindus in groups from other areas also started to move to Bharat (India). Only Hindu farmers and persons of less-income group remained. In the liberation war of 1971 Hindu community lost everything. About 1971, Lt. general Niazi of Pakistan Army himself wrote a book named `The Betrayal of East Pakistan.’ In that book he compared the destruction committed by Pak Army with cruelty of Chenggish Khan at the Bukhara, Halaku Khan at Bagdad and General Dayer at Amritsar. Pakistani military started mass killing, rape from midnight of 25 March and continued these for 9 months. There is no other such example in the history of the world.

Md. Sahib Ali, Senior Inspector, described the clarifying situation of 1971 as such: On the outgoing route of Tantibazar west side of Mailtola, temples were destroyed by heavy selling …a janitor named Pardeshi was doing his duty of collecting dead bodies. ``I saw a dead body of a young beautiful girl. That naked body was with many wounds. Her breaths were separated. Her vaginal tract was severely affected. Flesh of her hip was removed using sharp weapon… Next, I saw naked dead body of a girl apparently 10 years old. She was very beautiful. Her skin was like fresh apple. Her body was bullet ridden…I saw necked dead body of a young girl on the roof-top of Rokeya Hall. A Pakistani solder was on duty with me. I asked him, there is no bullet injury in her body, no signs of any other wounds, but she is dead! Why? He laughed loudly and said, we Pakistani soldiers’ gang-raped her to death. Her body began to expand. Her eyes were large and opened. Her hairs were turned from skull. Her vagina was full of dried blood. I sew her face made by thread. Her breasts were full of wounds… I peeked dead bodies of a Hindu professor. His wife and two sons in truck from second floor of Sivbari in Dhaka University. I peeked tightly folded. We paked three trucks loaded dead bodies from river Burigonga on 30th march…we picked 10 dead bodies with deep wounds who came to Jagannath Hall to take shelter…we picked many degenerated dead bodies from Tejgaon Madrasa. Many dead bodies were beheaded. We got the bayonet ridden dead body of Professor Jogesh Chandra Ghosh, owner of Sadhana Oushadhalaya (Pharmacy), and threw it at Swamibag. As eye witness sub-inspector Mohammad Salehuzzaman described, Pak-Army caught the women, brought them to the road, undressed them, raped them on the road and then killed them with sharp knifes cutting their breast and flesh from hips at first. Some were cut into small picas, iron rod was penetrated in the vagina of some women, someone was burnt to death with laud cruel laugh of Pak Army personals. Sweeper Pardeshi said, “he saw around one hundreds dead bodies of Bangali youths in the morgue of Mitford Hospital. Each of the bodies were with many wounds of machine gun bullets … I lifted 41 burnt dead body on truck. These bodies were laying here and there in Ramna Kalibari compound, were dumped into deep hole made for garbage at Dhalpur … I entered in every house at Sakhari Bazar, a poor indigenous Hindu minority area, with dead bodies and dead kids. Dead bodies of female, male, youths, young girls, old man and women, children, kids begun to rot. I saw most of the dead bodies of women were undressed. I saw their breast were cut off. Sticks were penetrated to vagina of some female dead bodies. I saw many burnt dead bodies …many dead bodies were laying here and there at river ghat of Millbarak. Many bodies were tied with ropes. I opened the ropes and take out the bodies. All were young and healthy boys. Their eyes and hands were tied. Many bodies were reshaped by baton and bayonet wands. Someone’s heads were crushed. Someone’s hearts were pulled out. I saw six undressed dead bodies of beautiful young women. The bodies were with several wounds. Their eyes, hands legs were tied strongly. Each body received many bullet injuries. Their face, chest and vagina were bloody. There in two tracks stock 70 dead bodies and put them to Dhalpur garbage holes. I lifted around 50 dead bodies from Ramna Kali Bari (Temple) who took shelter there.”

Sweeper Rabeka Khatun, a Muslim, described Pakistani military officers’ gang rape of captured women. “In this process they often used to cut their breasts and flesh of their hips with sharp knifes; they enjoyed cutting the vagina, anus and breasts. They used to compel the naked wounded women by beating and kicking to go to upstarts of the headquarters building and forced them to stand up there with full naked position. Many women were hanged tying their hair with thick wires. They used to wildly hit these naked women with baton. Some of them used to cut their breast. Some enjoyed penetrating sticks into their vagina. Some used to enjoy cutting their hip slowly with sharp knives. Some of them used to make wound on the breast of naked women with their teeth. If any women shouted, he would instantly kill by penetrating long iron rod inside her vagina. Tahmina Begum, a Muslim woman, described at the end of month Srabana – mid-July – all the Hindus of Bagerhat town who were still there, were forced to convert themselves as Muslims. A few of them were also killed. Then they extended their activities towards the villages. They started to convert Hindus to Islam, village after villages. I myself, my husband, children, father, mother, uncle, aunt, their children all were converted to Islam. Rajakars used to capture Hindu women and handed them over to Pak-army.”

Ms. Reba Rani Nath said, “They picked up 15/20 women in each vehicle. Males were compelled to stay separately and were killed. Only females escaped. I saw 50/60 women there. Pak army sexed in various ugly ways. Most of us there were Hindu women. But all of us said we were Muslim. Many more women were brought when we were there. Then we were handed over to Rajakars – Islamic terrorists, by Pak Army. Each Rajaker took one of us. One Rajaker took me to his house.”

Rahim Azad said, a woman named Bhagirathi, a Hindu, was helping freedom fighters secretly. She was caught by Rajakars and handed over to Pak-Army. In one market day Bhagirathi was brought to catch up. Some Pakistani army persons made her undressed openly. Then her legs were tied with two ropes and these ropes were fixed with a jeep. She was dragged behind the running jeep and the army enjoyed the whole thing. After one hour the jeep came back, she was still alive. Now her two legs were tied with two jeep and jeep were caravan to opposite direction. Bhagirathi separated in to two parts. Both of the jeeps again came back to starting point. They left the pieces of Bhagirathi’s body and went with joyful mode. Days passed; the flesh of Bhagirathi ended as soil of that area. At the beginning of Islam Umme Quirfa was killed in the same way. In her case two camels was used instead of two jeeps. It proved that Muslim minded did not move forward on inch even, though the world has advanced thousand years.

Hindus of the land were the target of Pakistan Army since the beginning of liberation war. On May 20 1971 around 10 thousand people gathered at Chuknagar Bazar Khulna, driven by Pak-Army. Pak army then came from behind and in front were Razakars and Albadars, Islamist terrorists. They represented death, rape and hell of fire. They came to Chuknagar to crossover to Bharat (India) through Keshobpur village. Frightened people started gathering there from May 18. On 20th May morning their number crossed 10 thousand. Sleepless tired people were taking rest beside the market. Some of them were preparing food. Rajakars informed Pak-army. Pak army with three trucks came to Chuknagar. They started indiscriminate firing on the unarmed people. They killed everyone whom they got. Some people jumped to nearby lowland and fell on water. They were killed there. This genocide started from morning 10.30 and continued for 4/5 hours. Chuknagar became a locality of dead body. Dead bodies were everywhere. Dead bodies of children were on the lap of their mother. Wife embraced husband; father embraced daughter to save their lives. But all of them became dead bodies within a second. River Vadra was carrying flood of blood. It became river of floating dead bodies … Eye witnesses said to investigators of Muktijoddha (Freedom Fighter) Research Institute, at that time nothing but dead bodies were in Chuknagar area. No sound but the cry of wounded persons. Who were not succumbed to bullet was killed with bayonet charge. (There is a memorial at Chuknagar.) After that who were still alive, birds and animals of that area fled away to avoid the unbearable sounds of their cries. Some eyewitness said they counted 4200 dead bodies. Then they were tired and stopped counting countless dead bodies were flowing away with the current of Vadra River. It was impossible to count those bodies. Yakub Ali was a pea-nut retailer. He said, here Pak army killed more than 10,000 people. (Judgment of Ramna race-course case by Justice A.B.M Khairul Haque, Supreme Court of Bangladesh, Bangladesh Law times P.99-100) The history is same for each town, cities and villages of this country. Soils of this land are choked with blood of Hindus. In deep of midnight still wind flows with their heartbreaking frustration.

Prof. Gary J Bass wrote in his currently published book `The blood telegram: Nixon, Kissinger and Forgotten Genocide’ that at the beginning of Freedom War in 1971 Pakistani Army killed around 100,000 Hindus. India Government was trying to expose the real picture when indiscriminate Hindu killing was going on in Bangladesh. Because Government of India Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi did not want that the then opposition party Jana Sangha (BJP of today) should get opportunity to do politics with this issue. She also wrote, then the argument of Pakistani general Yahia Khan was, in East Pakistan 17% of total population was Hindu. They are anti-Islamic. They casted their votes against Pakistan and so Pro-Pakistanis were defeated. To continue Pakistani rule in future these anti-Pakistani Hindus should be flashed out from East Pakistan. With this measures 2.2 million Hindus were killed at the time of Liberation War and 10 million Hindus took shelter in India. Gary Bass also wrote, the then US council General Archer Blood said no truth and cry was necessary about Hindu flash out and Hindu killing. J. Bass thinks Pakistani army was encouraged to kill innocent Hindus because of the silence of India and US on this issue for this own interest.

How many Hindus were killed in 1971? There is no account. But we got this account that 99% of the persons killed were Hindus (of 3 million killed according to Bangladesh.} 100% targets of looting were Hindus. Around 100% refugees were Hindus. Again 100% Vested Property Act (new name of Enemy Property Act after liberation) are Hindu property. This is our freedom. Hindu refugees knew before returning to their homeland that Bangladesh government revived Enemy Property Act. Leaders and workers of so-called pro-liberation group started grabbing Hindu properties in a festive mood. Then came 1974. Government renamed Enemy Property as Vested Property and started giving lease (to Muslims). So more than 10 million Hindus could not return to their homeland. 2,600,000 acres of land of Hindu community was declared as “abandoned”. Hindu community losing their homes and properties became refugees in Bharat and started leading inhuman life in various states there besides rail line and highways. After 45 years of independence government made return of vested property act. With this act persons who are occupying Hindu properties will become permanent owners of these properties and Hindus with never get back their properties as their opponents are coming that they were not present in the country for long time.

Now started a new game: Pro-liberation and anti-liberation forces. In reality there is nothing like pro-independence or anti-independence. It is a game of two sides to capture state power. In the middle Hindus are extreme losers. After coming to power the present government created devastation by looting, damaging and setting fire to thousands of Hindu houses, temples and shops and started blaming their opponents for these activities. This is the real picture of freedom. Before independence Hindu community was suffering from extreme insecurity for genuine reason. That compelled them to leave their motherland on first wave due to merciless acts of Muslims which they could not get opportunity to look back. Sad tears! But their tears were dried on the face of devastation. Now the situation is with the state. But now also one or two families are taking the path of uncertainty regularly. They are felling pains, but nothing to do. Hindus now came to conclusion that their days are counted in this country. They are helpless, insecure and unwanted even after liberation of their country…so freedom is not tasteless for them…in no Muslim-majority country non-Muslims got privilege to stay. They were forced to be became Muslim or compelled to leave the country. Probably Bangladesh would also not be an exception. Either you leave your religion or you have to leave the country. It is the history of last thousand years. Now Prime Minister declared to establish Madina charter in this country. Madina was a town populated by Hindus, Jews, Christians and indigenous Arab religious people. Today in Madina there are no non-Muslims. Even the non-Muslims cannot enter into that town. Bangladesh government is moving in that direction.

Muslim League established Pakistan in 1947 on the basis of `Two Nation Theory’ at the cost of millions of Hindu-Sikh-Jain lives. Several millions of women are raped and innocent kids become orphan by loving their parents in the brutal killing and massive pogroms lead by the Muslim League. Unfortunately, the then Congress Government of Bharat admitted the unholy and unethical division of Bharat leaving the Hindus of the East Pakistan (Purba Bangla) in front of `hyena’ tiger. As a result, approximately 16 million Hindus become uprooted and took shelter in Bharat.

Immediately after the inception of Pakistan, the Pakistani government drafted a `blue print’ for the ultimate destruction of the Hindu Community of the East Pakistan. As a part of the blue print in 1950 the then government of Pakistan passed the ‘East Pakistan State Acquisition and Tenancy Act.’ By this `black act’ the government forcefully acquired the lands and asset of Hindu land owners and compelled them to leave the country. But the Muslim League government admitted the representative of Hindus in Parliament preserving 72 reserved seats through separate electorate system. But the 1971-independence Awami League adopted ‘Joint Electorate system’ instead of `separate electorate system’ and eliminated the reserved seats for Hindus. As a result, Hindus lost their representation in the parliament, and the middle class and politically-conscious Hindus left the country. Only the helpless poor class Hindus remains in the Bangladesh. After the war of 1965 between Bharat and Pakistan, the then Pakistani government declared the ‘Enemy Property Ordinance’ to unsettle the Hindus. Unfortunately, after the independence of Bangladesh, the Bangladesh government recognized the Enemy Property Act in the name of ‘Abandoned Property Act’ and forcefully acquired 2.6 million acres of land from Hindus. Through in 1971 small indigenous minority Hindus sacrificed more lives than Muslim majority, but their sacrifice is yet to be recognized. Virtually Hindus are the second-class citizen of this country. In 1947 Hindus were 32% of the total population and in 2015 10.7%, Now (2022) 7.9% (Government census) and deteriorating day by day. For your kind concern through Hindus of Bangladesh one tortured by all the political parties but the Hindu community provided unconditional support to the Bangladesh Awami League, liberator party of Bangladesh. But unfortunately, this parties passed the Abandoned Property Act, (as known Enemy Property Act) as a result Hindus who took shelter in Bharat lost their property forever. The famous Ramna Kali Mondir temple was destroyed by Awami league government in 13th May 1973, after it was first destroyed by Pakistan in 1971. Later on, Prime Minister Sheikh Hashina Government built Swadhinata (Independence) Monument at the place of original Ramna Kali Mondir as to which the Hindu community cannot reclaim to build the Mondir/Temple again. In the last few years hundreds and hundreds of houses, shops and mondirs/temples of Hindus were destroyed, set fire in the name of political violence, and uncountable number of women were raped. Deprivation from government service one common phenomena in Bangladesh. But the government and the administration keep silence as usual. Hindus of Bangladesh believe that the government is still guided by the old ideology of Muslim League. Bangladesh Nationalist Party, Jatio party and others is following same Muslim League philosophy till today. The only solution to save Hindus and Hindu problems in Bangladesh is ``To ensure the representation of Hindu Community in the Parliament through `Separate Electorate system’ should be re-introduced by preserving 60 reserved seats.”

Indigenous Hindu minorities of Bangladesh do not want safe shelter in Bharat; they want to live in their Bangladesh homeland with their rights, dignity & honor. So, in the light of above explanation the Hindus of Bangladesh have acquired deep rooted belief that if the pure democratic trend with separate electorate with proportionate reservation of seat for the minority is established in Bangladesh, as in India, then the Hindu community will get proper opportunity to establish their rights and safeguard and all of their torments should be washed away forever.

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Partition Casualty and Its Restoration: With Mother’s Blessing on August 18, 2023 Energizes an Oppressed Community in Bangladesh,

Rebuilding Its 1700s Destroyed Shrine

Sachi (Sabyasachi) Ghosh Dastidar

Professor, Author, and Researcher

While visiting Laklshman-kathi in Bangladesh in September of 2022, the ancestral land of our indigenous families, several villagers led by P Debi came running, saying Uncle Kaku, could you please fix our destroyed shrine – temple – of Mother Kali, the famous Black Mother who protected our families by destroying the demons? This rocked our soul! It is said that our ancestors built the village in 1500s when Bengal was ruled by a Persian (Iranian) Islamic ruler who sought our ancestors help for governance or finance, and because of their help Persian king honored the family with “Dastidar” honorific title that many descendants added to their last name. One of the ancestors left their Gava (Gabha) village in the same Gour Nodi sub-district, also called Police Station, of southern Barisal District of eastern Bengal, now Bangladesh, and established the village. This is possibly 30 or 35 miles away from Gava taking an hour or two today, but in the old days of travel by boat it easily took a day to cover that distance.

Remains of the Shrine Represented by a Ghot or Pitcher, as Is the Tradition

Gour Nodi Sub-district: Lakshman-kathi is South of Mahilara

Since our visit in early 1980s we have been requested first to rehabilitate the Sri Bishnu (Vishnu) Mandir whose temple was destroyed, but the deity survived as the deity was a single granite stone structure built in 1500s. During that era, it was possibly a custom to build and dedicate a deity of Sri Bishnu, the builder of the world structures. Locals even found a smaller Sri Bishnu deity in a pond of nearby Mahilara village, where America’s Probini Foundation built its first school for the poor and the orphaned and a home for devotees – Nihar Kana Bhaktabash O Bidyaloi. (Since then, Probini has built over dozen schools-hostels-orphanages in Bangladesh, and in India’s West Bengal, Assam and Mizoram, and provide scholarships to students in dozens of schools in those areas.) At Mahilara local villagers found documents that the deity belonged to my father-in-law, Dr. Prafulla Kumar Sengupta, but the local administration took that murti (statue) from a local Hindu Temple to a bureaucrat’s place. My appeal and that of the villagers were ignored by the bureaucracy. I believe that it was an immense task to have deities of Koshti Pathor or granite as those had to be imported from distant lands in India with stone mountains, which doesn’t exist in Bengal.

When we first visited the temple, it was in poor condition, and local villagers wanted us to take the deity to India, that we refused. The building was gone. Many villagers were also afraid that terrorists may destroy the deity.

1982 Visit: Remains of the 1500s Shrine of Sri Bishnu.

Little girl on left, standing, we met again in 2023 on August 18, 41 years later, a mother now, whereas her mother standing behind in white sari, was a great guide for the visitors, but passed away few years back.

Since we visited the village dozens of times, it gave us lots of energy, pleasure, and joy.

After our 1982 and 1986 visit, we informed our extended refugee family about the plight of Sri Bishnu Mandir temple, that our Mejda, or Middle Older Brother, Amitabha or Mr. A. G. Dastidar, a well-known soil and foundation engineer with offices in Kolkata and Mumbai, decided to help build a new shrine of Lord Bishnu, and brought new life to the oppressed indigenous Hindu minority and secular Muslim community. (He was also involved with a top Bangladeshi industrialist to build many big buildings, and most likely of the building of Barisal Airport that we took many years after his passing. Empire's Last Casualty: The Barisal (Barishal) Airport, Bangladesh (empireslastcasualty.blogspot.com). He and his older brother Dada, Dr. Sankar, both went to school in the nearby school for which they had to take a dinghy during monsoon, but in dry season walked to school. After graduation Mejda got admission to then most competitive college in British India, the Presidency College of Kolkata, while Dada joined Nilratan Medical College in Kolkata. Empire's Last Casualty: Memoirs of a Physician: Mone Parhe (empireslastcasualty.blogspot.com).)

Dedication by A. G. Dastidar

New building brought new life to the poor villagers of Lakshman-kathi. By the way, even today the area locally is known as Bishnu Bari or Home of Bishnu, which includes homes of centuries-old “Ghosh Dastidar” families, most of whom were illegally occupied after anti-indigenous pogroms that began after India’s 1947 partition to Secular India and Islamic Pakistan, planned and promoted by England. In 1986 a local school teacher, a Muslim lady, gave us a tour of the area showing homes of the family, that were taken over by illegal settlers.

1986 Tour of Homes of Our Extended Family by a Muslim Lady Teacher

New Temple after 1987 Rehabilitation by A. G. Dastidar

Mother Kali’s children’s life took a better turn after the rededication of Sri Bishnu Mandir in 1987. As we worked with Probini Foundation since early 1990s, we visited different parts of Bangladesh, and Indian states of West Bengal, Assam, and Mizoram on a regular basis, but not necessarily Lakshman-kathi. In 2019 we visited our ancestral village and Bishnu Bari with my elder sister Didi or Mrs. Pratima Roy-Chowdhuury, and her friend from Kolkata, India.

Didi, 3^rd from Right in White Sari, 2019

Here is a report of Lakshman-kathi on our visit that we did via Barisal Airport. Empire's Last Casualty: LakshmanKathi 2019 (empireslastcasualty.blogspot.com), and our airport experience Empire's Last Casualty: The Barisal (Barishal) Airport, Bangladesh (empireslastcasualty.blogspot.com).

During our visit to the village in 2019, Didi and I were requested by villagers if we will be able to protect the structure as after 30 years its tin roof was leaking, and wooden windows were falling apart, and more. Luckily, Swamiji or the Hindu Monk from adjacent Madaripur District Jiban Maharaj was with us, and he took responsibility to explore the time, money, and labor needed to make it lively again. He worked hard to rehabilitate the building and the rededication was broadcast live on Facebook with the help of some local volunteers. Rehabilitation looked nice. Empire's Last Casualty: Re-dedication Celebration of Ghosh-Dastidar Family-Established 15th Cent Sri Bishnu Temple in Barisal District, Bangladesh (empireslastcasualty.blogspot.com). This writer requested the Hindu monk to appoint Mrs. Das as the regular priest for the shrine, that the monk had full support, but Mrs. Das had to be taught the protocols of being a priestess for such a historic temple.

2022 Sri Bishnu Mandir Rededication

In September of 2022 during a visit to Bishnu Bari with Swamiji Jiban Maharaj, some local villagers came running to us asking “Would you please rebuild our destroyed Kali Mandir that now stands with only Ghot or Pitcher representing our Mother Kali with a tin roof over the Ghot?” I didn’t have time to think, and at first didn’t want to get involved in new projects. After returning to the United States, and discussing with my family, I decided to explore of that possibility with monk Jiban Maharaj. So, in December of 2022 the monk visited the village, talked with the local folks, and gave us an estimate of how much we have to raise to complete the project, that ran into thousands of dollars, or hundreds of thousands of Bangladeshi taka. Shefali, Shuvo and Sumedha, and granddaughter Shriya-Lakshmi of my family thought that it will be great if we could rebuild the pogrom-destroyed shrine of our Black Mother Kali.

Ghot (Pitcher) Represented the Destroyed Temple

Thus, I began sharing our plan to several of our friends and family members in the U.S.A. and India. With pleasant surprise I got immediate positive encouragement. People from the U.S., India, Singapore called and promised donation for reconstruction. With a positive note, we realized that they will receive support from Americans, Indians, Bangladeshis, Bangladeshi Hindu refugees, Singaporean, Hindu, Jewish, Muslim, and Christian supporters. In the end, the shrine received 29 donations, including many from our families, and from complete strangers. This was Mother’s Blessing!

In an auspicious day in late January of 2023, Swamiji did Vith Puja or Foundation Laying for the temple with the presence of local villagers.

Swamiji with Local Villagers doing Vith Puja (Foundation Laying)

Video of the Vith Puja (Foundation Laying)

We received regular update of the construction progress. As it came closer to completion, Swamiji decided that the final rededication will be done at the auspicious hour or ththi of 11 am in the morning of Friday, August 18, 2023.

Swamiji and local villagers requested that I attend the rededication, just a few days after our return from a trip to Greece, Cyprus, Islamic North Cyprus, Israel, Palestine, and Turkey. Just a few days before departure an air ticket was bought for Kolkata, the first stop, via Delhi, India. After a brief stay in Kolkata, West Bengal State of India, I crossed the land border at Benapole-Petrapole crossing. Ironically, it was August 15 when the British divided India into Pluralistic India and Monotheistic Intolerant Islamic Pakistan, that included East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. Crossing the Indian side took a few minutes, but on the Bangladesh side I was kept waiting for the Entry Visa on Arrival for over an hour and a half. I was the only one waiting with non-India or non-Bangladesh passport. Individuals were nice, but not their bureaucracy. The rental car waited for me, then we headed to the grave site at Tungipara in Gopalganj District of the Founding Father Mujibur Rahman who were murdered by pro-Islamist and anti-secular groups on August 15, 1975. Most of the commemoration was done in the morning, including by the Prime Minister Hashina Wazed, the daughter of Hon. Mujibur Rahman. Sadly though, many of the murderers were/are sheltered in Muslim-majority nations, as well as open democratic nations like the U.S., Canada, and U.K. It is worth mentioning that not one murderer of 3 million Bengalis – overwhelmingly indigenous Hindu minority with secular Muslims, has been punished by Pakistan, Muslim-majority nations, or the West. Hindu Lives not matter? Secularism not matters?

Hon. Mujibur Rahman’s Memorial at Tingupara, August 15, 2023

After my arrival to Barisal, I stayed at the guest space of Madaripur Ashram, barely 30 minutes from the village, and visited the village and the beautiful-looking shrine before August 18. (There are no hotels near Lakshmankathi village. This is true for most villages in the Subcontinent. Guest rental rooms are great at Madaripur Ashram. The monk can also arrange for rental cars and tour of historic nearby places.) And, then on Friday, August 18, 2023 Swamiji, Anirban – a donor from Singapore, and I left Madaripur Ashram in a rented car for the sacred work for the sacred village. The deity of Mother Kali was delivered a few minutes before the rededication. And rest is joyous history. (After the ceremony and wonderful Bengali vegetarian bhog - pious offering to the Mother – lunch e all headed to Barisal City for a brief visit, returning back to Madaripur guest house.)

Some Bangladeshis and Indians called this the first revolution for indigenous oppressed minorities since partition of India in 1947!

Here are some pictures of dedication.

Two Monks, Jiban Maharaj and Dayamoy Sadhu of Mahilara Mott (place for monks) at the Opening

Cutting of the Red Ribbon was Done by Sabyasachi Ghosh Dastidar, while Two Hindu Monks held the Ribbon. Anirban of Singapore joined him.

On the Back, from Left to Right, Pushpa Debi, Anirban, Swamiji, and Sabyasachi, at Opening Ceremony

Two Donor-Visitors from Overseas: Anirban, left, and Myself

Enchanting Kirtan Musicians

Kirtan Singers from the Village

Ma Kali with Monk Dayamoy Sadhu

Local Ruling Awami League Party Youth Leader Mohammad Sahel, Center, and Associates with Builders of the Temple

Presentation by Sabyasachi (Sachi) Ghosh Dastidar

The 1500s Sri Bishnu Murti at the Bishnu Mandir (Below), Saved in 1987:

Celebration and Jaggyo or Offering to Fire God at the Adjacent Sri Bishnu Temple Patio on August 18, 2023, Continues:

Jaggyo or Offering to Fire God at the Adjacent Sri Bishnu Temple Patio

Some of the Attendees of Rededication

(That little girl in the second picture is now a married woman, 2^nd from left.)

Mrs. Pushpa Rani Das Honoring Sabyasachi Ghosh Dastidar

Here Are Some pictures of the Lakshman-kathi Village established in the 1500s:

For additional pictures of the village please check Partition Casualty and Its Restoration: With Mother’s Blessing on August 18, 2023, Bangladesh, Rebuilding Its 1700s Shrine (empireslastcasualty2.blogspot.com)

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Relationship Between Past and Future

Prof. Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy

Professor, Author, Social Thinker; Pakistan

Introduction of His New Book on Relationship Between Past and Future:

There has existed throughout history an ironic relationship between the past and future. Those who glorify the past and seek to recreate it almost invariably fail while those who view it comprehensively and critically are able to draw on the past in meaningful and lasting ways. People who have confidence in their future approach the past with seriousness and critical reverence. They study it, try to comprehend the values, aesthetics, and style which invested an earlier civilization its greatness or caused it to decline. They preserve its remains, and enshrine relevant, enriching images and events of the past in their memories both collectively and individually. ― Eqbal Ahmad in Between Past and the Future

In writing this book I started out thinking I should record my half-century-long experiences as a teacher and professor in Pakistan, a nuclear physicist opposed to nuclear weapons, a science popularizer in a science-unfriendly country, a rationalist who disputes hearsay and seeks evidence, and a worker for peace between Pakistan and India. But by the time I was done – and this was well after the Taliban took over Afghanistan – the book before me was absolutely not that. Rather than tell stories about myself, to reflect upon state and society in Pakistan and to see how they have been shaped by historical forces and personae was so much more important.

Looking back into history through the dispassionate lens of rationalism can help us understand why the Pakistani state instinctively fears cultural and religious diversity, is palpably averse to establishing a people’s democracy, has failed to create meritocratic institutions, and continues to support and perpetuate a feudal order rather than seek its eradication. While one hopes for better in the decades ahead, I want to understand and explain why Pakistan has been unable to create a viable education system, achieve progress in science, establish trust in government, and earn respect for lawful authority.

Even more tragically and dangerously, there remains a bitter residue of pain and resentment from Partition that separates the peoples of Pakistan and India. This toxic residue is being passed down through generations, a combustible material well suited for those eager to reignite inherited grievances. Earlier in Pakistan but now in both countries, reliance upon religion for nation-building is bringing up contradictions in new and unexpected forms. In Pakistan, religious groups actively cultivated by the state launch the fury of their faith from time to time against non-Muslims. Whether in the form of Deobandi militancy (as up to a decade ago) or in the present form of blasphemy obsessed Barelvi fanatics, these powerful armed groups have boomeranged on the Pakistani establishment which refuses to learn from the past and continues to nurture them as political tools.

For these reasons, this book eventually turned out to be analytical and academic, not a personal account. However, where it can add value here or there, I do slip in an occasional recollection or observation. The book’s journey starts from many millennia ago but then centers quickly on the circumstances and impulses that gave birth to the very first state in history founded upon religious identity. Thereafter, it moves on to the present epoch and considers its myriad puzzlements. It ends with brief prognostications on the perils ahead and how to navigate past them.

A book like this one should rightfully have been written by a full-blooded historian of South Asia. Only one requirement would be strictly non-negotiable – that of being scrupulously honest and sticking to facts as best as we know them. There are a few good historians of Pakistani origin who live outside the country but one does not expect much from academics in the history departments of Pakistan’s universities. A few honorable exceptions aside, our professors have mostly stayed clear of genuine fact-finding, choosing instead to serve the needs of power. Referring to the obsequious behavior of some of his contemporaries and colleagues, the late K.K. Aziz – author of The Murder of History – once sardonically remarked that like governments, a people get the historians they deserve. Of course, there are brilliant exceptions to an overall mediocre lot that fill our universities but, well, exceptions are always exceptions. The good ones confine themselves to what is academically respectable – a narrow, detailed examination of some person, issue, or period of history. They refuse to assign causes or, if they do, surround their arguments with so much fluff that the reader is exhausted by the time they arrive at conclusions. Many so-called historians are silent spectators and publish nothing of consequence. Still, they are not as bad as the ones who are greedy for paychecks and complicit in supporting false narratives.

Understanding the present in light of the past is best done by those best equipped academically by training for this task and who also have easy access to large libraries across the world. These have shelves with everything you might want to know including excruciatingly careful descriptions of historical events, personae, and phenomena covering almost every aspect of South Asian history. I have much admiration for the true professionals who base their work upon perspicacious primary research. Still, there seems to be little by way of a grand synthesis in the existing literature.

Most importantly, it seems that no one has really tried to understand just why the theory of two distinct nations emerged. What caused people who lived together as reasonably peaceful neighbors for centuries to violently hate each other so suddenly? The enormous spread of information needs distillation into a coherent narrative – one that is both broad and deep enough for understanding our present.

In doing justice to a book that ranges so widely, the ideal author should be an expert of South Asian history. However, that alone would be insufficient. She or he should also be a political scientist, sociologist, ethnographer, economist, and someone well-rounded in world affairs and history. Maybe someone someday will do a much better job, but I simply could not wait for the right expert to come along. And so, knowing well that I was biting off more than I could chew, I took the plunge anyway. The truth needs to be told, and told well.

Wait a minute! Truth is one thing – and absolutely crucial – but what shall guide us when there are competing and mutually incompatible versions of history? Who are we to believe? While researching archives and writing, I was ever conscious that each of us is shaped by the place we fell to Earth. This explains the repetitive patterns of human behavior and, equally, the slowness and incredible stupidity humans demonstrate when it comes to evaluating collective social behavior. Prejudice warps not just history but also what we see around us at this very moment. This makes it so difficult to evaluate the actions of one’s own nation or tribe. Say what you will about Da’esh, Taliban, Boko Haram, and their ilk. They are victims of sheer ignorance, more to be pitied than condemned. But take white Americans: even after the storming of the Capitol in Washington – with every detail recorded on video – large parts of Middle America continue to believe the Illuminati, Birthers, QAnon, and others that the takeover was the work of communist provocateurs. And, amazingly, the most scientifically advanced nation in the world has a population that largely refuses to believe climate science…and then there are “the antivaxxers”. At times, one despairs whether humans have enough time left to adapt to this planet.

It’s far worse when it comes to historical accounts where there are only papers and books but no pictures or videos. I have piles of books on my desk that describe the pre-Partition period. The same events are described so very differently by those with different persuasions. To give just one example: a series of Communal Award Round Table Conferences were held between 1930 and 1932 in London. One historian writes that they plainly exposed Congress’s obduracy and Muslim flexibility. Another refers to the same records but sees in them nothing but Muslim obduracy and Congress’s magnanimity. Each rightly points to hard-liners on the other side while conveniently forgetting the zealots from his own side. These are different but informed perspectives on the same historical events. To make one’s case, each must be understood and responded to.

History, Voltaire is said to have famously remarked, is the lie commonly agreed upon. Or, to put it differently, majoritarian consensus determines how we look at the past. But like most nice-sounding aphorisms, this one too needs to be taken with a pinch of salt because such dire pessimism precludes the possibility of knowing anything at all about the past, or for that matter, anything about anything. Damn! Then we must all give up the quest for truth. But that’s nonsensical. We certainly know a lot about a lot of things, even if imperfectly in places. We don’t even know why we know what we know. In fact, one of philosophy’s most profound questions was posed by Bertrand Russell. I was stunned after reading it at age sixteen and then barely able to comprehend it: How comes it that human beings, whose contacts with the world are brief and personal and limited, are nevertheless able to know as much as they do know? And, yes, let’s not be overly modest – we humans know a lot. Clearly, if the world external to an individual wasn’t objectively describable at some level, then we would end up knowing nothing. We wouldn’t be able to even agree upon what is a chair, tree, or dog.

So is a reasonably fair, objective, and scientific assessment of human affairs possible? This book optimistically accepts this as an ab initio premise. We can know history even if some lies are bigger than others, and some truths are clearer than others. In this book I have attempted to identify the bigger and the clearer truths as well as some outright falsehoods and, hopefully, have added in a pinch of clarity.

I have asked myself whether the world really needs yet another book about Pakistan and can stomach yet another attempt to understand the tortuous history of India’s partition. No matter which way I looked at it, the answer came out to be: yes. For one, those times are so imbedded into our consciousness that even in daily discourse in newspapers and television there is frequent reference to them. And, for another, I believe that the present brings out certain features which, although they had always existed, had nevertheless not been examined for those particularities which have become so enormously relevant today. Like in a fractal structure, one finds repetition of a basic pattern over and over again.

My contention is that Pakistan’s failure to develop universities and institutions of learning can only be understood after a critical examination of what happened as the Mughal Empire fell apart, the differential development of Muslims and Hindus under the impact of British colonialism, and the division of the subcontinent. Further, that division happened because once-powerful Muslims lagged Hindus in competing for jobs which demanded modern education.

I now have to tell you what really drove me to write this book. It’s because I am angry and I have been angry for decades. And yet, I promise, I know my first duty as a scientist is to be objective and not let feelings interfere when it comes to facts.

I am first-generation Pakistani, born in Karachi three years after Partition. Perhaps even more enthusiastically than most boys my age, I too greedily absorbed nationalism and militarism. I was a hugely thrilled eight-year-old when General Ayub Khan seized power after a military coup in 1958. Soldiers had set up camp in our neighborhood’s park near Soldier Bazar; I crawled under the barbed wire so that I could see them up close. It was a high point for me when one friendly soldier allowed me to touch his Bren gun. Then, at age twelve, I had a terrible fall while playing cricket. On the way to the hospital, bleeding profusely with four front teeth knocked in, my elder brother Samir whispered in my ear that General Eisenhower had just promised to provide Pakistan with 12 B-57 Canberra bombers. I loved aircraft madly, bombers almost as much as fighters. My pain disappeared, at least for a while.

The martial law regime and the tall, handsome President Ayub Khan – who by now had promoted himself to Field Marshal – seemed to eight-year-old me as the best thing that could happen to Pakistan. From a special supplement of Jang newspaper, I carefully snipped out Ayub’s picture poster, together with eight smaller ones of his other generals, to decorate my room.

Then on 6 September 1965 our English teacher at Karachi Grammar School, Mrs. Raheela Masood, announced in class that India had invaded Pakistan and that the president had declared war because of India’s “unprovoked aggression”. Pakistan would now give India a “befitting response” – a term typically used by army people even today. I burst into whoops of joy; Mrs. Masood had a hard time shutting me up. I am particularly appalled that I shouted, “the only good Hindu is a dead Hindu”. That’s because I loved reading about Wyatt Earp, Roy Rogers, and the cries, “the only good Injun is a dead Injun”.

Actually, there was no way I could have hated Hindus. My father, a Sindhi Muslim, had only Hindu buddies in his school days. They had to flee to India after Partition and, although I could never meet any of them, we nevertheless reverentially addressed them as uncles. My delight at the declaration of war came instead from the delicious anticipation of the battles now to be fought with fighter aircraft, tanks, and warships. Best of all, we’d now get to see more deeds of valor and more heroes of war like Major Tufail Muhammed, my number one hero. For years I had collected accounts of his epic last stand after scouring various newspapers and magazines. Machine-gun bullets had ripped through his stomach while his company was fighting off Indian intruders from across the border into East Pakistan. But the valiant Major Tufail kept throwing grenades and finally killed an enemy commander by pounding him with his helmet.

The declaration of war seemed too good to be true. Pumping the pedals furiously, I bicycled the distance from Soldier Bazar to the far-off air force recruiting center on Ingle Road in record time. Disappointed at being told I was too young to enlist in the Pakistan Air Force, I rushed to Napier Barracks on the other side of Karachi only to have a friendly major chuckle as he refused my proffered services to the army. We don’t take boys with spectacles, he said. And so my neighborhood’s civil defense team was the highest to which I could rise. Hearing ack-ack guns firing at Indian bombers over Karachi was as close as I ever got to seeing action. As darkness fell and the city was blacked out, our family would gather around a radio to hear Alam Lohar on Radio Pakistan singing the Punjabi ditty jang khaid na’ee hundi zananiyan dee (war is not a game to be played by the effeminate). It said one brave Muslim soldier was worth five cowardly Hindus; soon Delhi’s Red Fort would be ours. Fifty years ago I “knew” Pakistan had not only thwarted an unprovoked Indian attack upon our territory but that we had won – and won handsomely. Dammit: how could it not be true?

As Winston Churchill famously said, a lie can travel half way around the world while the truth is putting on its shoes. States can easily peddle lies, small and big, as and when needed. This particular one was a whopper. If I hadn’t been such a blockhead at age fifteen, I’d have known the truth sooner. Things just didn’t add up: if we were on the point of winning, why wrap up the war so suddenly and have disappointed people take to the streets? Pakistan had won the air war (yes, it actually did!), so why did we capture less territory than India?

The biggest shocker was finding out that India hadn’t started the war, Pakistan had! Code-named Operation Gibraltar, President Field Marshal Ayub Khan had embraced the suggestion of his foreign minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, to liberate Kashmir. And so infiltrators were prepared for sending across the border into Occupied (Indian) Kashmir. Eighteen years later, the same General Muhammad Musa whose portrait once decorated my room together with others, and who oversaw Gibraltar as Chief of Army Staff wrote in his autobiography that their job was to sabotage military targets, disrupt communications, etc. As a long-term measure, arms would be distributed to the people of Occupied Kashmir and a guerrilla movement started as a prelude to a full-scale uprising in the valley. Operation Gibraltar was to be followed by Operation Grand Slam with regular troops, tanks, and fighter-bomber support from the Pakistan Air Force. But the civilians of Indian-administered Kashmir were not only unprepared for mass rebellion, they actually suffered at the hands of the intruders. Soon the commandoes were isolated; some were captured, others fled. A month later, India attacked across the international border.

Fast forward forty years during which people change and change…so did I. In 2004 while making a video documentary on Kashmir that sought an objective appraisal of the conflict, I interviewed Pakistan’s much decorated national hero, Air Marshal Asghar Khan (1921–2018), on camera in his Islamabad residence. He was perfectly forthright about how the 1965 war began:

”We started the damn thing (war) by moving into Indian occupied Kashmir. I was the commander of the air force only six weeks before that but I had no idea they were doing this. And when I saw in the (news)papers that our tanks were moving into Indian occupied Kashmir, I saw Ayub Khan on the third of September, three days before the Indians attacked and I said to him, I think you’ve decided to go to war. He said, no not at all – who told you that? I said nobody told me but reading the newspapers you’ve sent the army into occupied Kashmir and therefore India is bound to react. They will react in the Punjab. He said no, no, this will not happen. We’ve been assured by the foreign office this is not likely to happen. It will be localized conflict. And of course, three days later Indian forces moved into Pakistan…we didn’t win the war nor did the Indians. The air force did very well indeed. In the first four days we had knocked the Indian air force out. They were not able to fly over Pakistan.”

External pressure forced the war to a halt. With 3000–4000 dead on each side, the war caused approximately equal damage on both sides. Nevertheless, both countries claimed victory, pointing to their gains while ignoring their losses. Every year on 6 September Pakistan celebrates. At this century’s beginning, these celebrations had been fairly modest. But with a rejuvenated army running Pakistan, they have become gala festivals with a national holiday, gun salutes, airpower displays, and prayer ceremonies. Each year there is a rededication to the idea of eternal war with India. On the Indian side, in the years before the rise of militant Hindutva, the date had been largely forgotten. But now India too insists on celebrating victory. It is strange that one war should have two victors. Surely, militarism everywhere finds easy converts – especially if you can catch them young.

Decades later, I can coolly reflect upon my earlier enthusiasm for blood and sacrifice. As a warrior child, I had within me what a lot of young people everywhere have within them. It’s just that I was a tad ahead of many. War, aggression, and territoriality are primordial instincts that all primates – particularly libidinous males – have inherited from our early ape ancestors. Equipped by nature with a limbic system, a primitive part of our brains operates below the horizon of consciousness. Survival needs had made it necessary for humans to be programmed to feel fear and rage, making it easy to kill when emotions are suitably aroused. National states have learned to capitalize on this urge and seek to inspire their young men into joining their army. As a boy, I had been no different. It was only through reading voraciously – and facility with English – that I gradually came to a different understanding of the world.

Do young people in Pakistan today see the 1965 war just as I saw it fifty years ago? Sadly, the answer is, yes. I know this because from time to time I am invited to speak to students at various Pakistani universities and colleges – at least in places where I am not yet banned from campuses. At a lecture in the main auditorium of the elite Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Engineering Sciences and Technology in 2017, I asked the audience how many there believe that India had started the 1965 war. Most hands went up. Then I asked: how many of you have heard of Operation Gibraltar? From the podium I saw faces blank out. Some students turned to their smart phones, presumably to google whether this was some kind of spoof question or whether some such thing had actually existed. From that audience of approximately 300, eleven hands went up. Repeating the same question in 2018 elsewhere, I found that at Quaid-e-Azam University only one student from the 180 present was aware of Operation Gibraltar (and he thought that it had been a fine idea, improperly implemented). At Government College-University (Lahore), only 3 out of 200 students from social science departments had heard of it.

As a kid I had been lied to. But surely, I was not the only one taken for a ride. Large numbers embrace a worldview based upon belief in some unblemished, mythical past. Of course, Pakistan and India are not unique – just look at how successfully Vladimir Putin has roused his people to a war of aggression against Ukraine. Even more than in earlier decades, today’s social environment is characterized by primal yearnings for moral renewal, new glory, and vengeance. College-degree holders are generally no less invested in such myths than those considered uneducated. This is unsurprising because a tradition of open debate and discussion is yet to be established in our institutions of learning. In every authoritarian society, free speech and critical thought is unwelcome, and Pakistan’s shaky democracy has failed to protect these fundamental rights. The critical need for alternative discourses – such as in this book – cannot be overstated.

The task of truth telling needs many knowledgeable people to tell their tales because each of us can know only a small piece of some larger story. So much is unknown and might never be known because many of those who actually knew left this world without telling their stories. Most Pakistanis still don’t know why and how East Pakistan separated; what happened in the Ojhri Camp tragedy when an ammunition dump hidden inside Rawalpindi city blew up in 1988 (it killed three times more people than the 2020 port explosion in Beirut); what thinking lay behind Pakistan’s Kargil invasion of 1999 and what was expected to follow; who organized and oversaw the 2008 Mumbai massacre; why Osama bin Laden was found in Abbottabad in 2011; why Sindhis and the Baloch are upset with the Centre; who abducted the thousands still missing in Balochistan and Waziristan; and how Pakistan’s deep state operates through militant religious forces. Now that the Taliban are Pakistan’s neighbors and Pakistan is seeing a revival of religious terrorism, it is hugely important to understand how that came to be.

Self-delusion is bad for individuals because it beclouds their judgment. It’s much worse for a country. All countries of the world exaggerate their successes and understate their failures; they delude themselves to differing degrees. They all need a truth serum, but Pakistan does so more than most.

Learning has been slow for all humankind, and still slower for some than others. But at least we are not flotsam and jetsam in some metaphorical stream of history. As agents of change, we are endowed with reason and silently guided by some deeply hidden species survival mechanism. The more we ponder upon our origins and wonder how we got to where we happen to be, the better.

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When A Nation Takes a Leap

Dr. Rajat Mitra

Psychologist, Speaker and Author (The Infidel Next Door); India

The White man wrote history with the help of his texts. The rest of the world, many of whom he enslaved and whose history he tried to erase, have tried to build it around sacred symbols, sometimes as simple and elegant as a ‘Sengol’.

A sacred symbol like a Sengol is larger than life, larger than anything else existing at that moment in history and makes the moment larger than any one man at that time. There was perhaps only one thought that was on the mind of a man not so white but white by default on fourteenth of august, nineteen forty-seven and who received it from the white man. It was that nothing should steal the glory of his speech that he is going to read out. So he thought it better to relegate the specter to the oblivion of history, in this case as a ‘golden walking stick’ in a personal museum.

Why was the Sengol rejected as a symbol of independent India and kept as a ‘walking stick’ in a private museum. It doesn’t take much of psychoanalysis to decipher that. A sacred symbol like a Sengol communicates a message that is both timeless and universal, a message that tells about a lost people and their crushed civilization, their memory and hopes, their longings for freedom and their sacrifices to achieve it. A sacred symbol like a Sengol makes a society reflect about her past. They evoke emotions that nothing else can evoke. They tell us we are a whole society, not fragmented as made out to be. It tells us how complex was getting our freedom rather than it reduced to a single individual event with the glory thrown upon only one man and how he chose to shape it for future generations.

Would India have been different had the Sengol been given its importance by the people entrusted with its care in nineteen forty-seven?

It would have reminded us of the glory that India was, has always been and told her people that they have a legacy that is less than none, one that bound them together despite language and race and color. It would have created a healing space transcending the trauma that overwhelmed us for centuries and divided us. Relegating it to oblivion meant that Indians don’t realize their roots, remain unchanged and don’t retrieve their legacy to create the new identity as a unified people.

In India that is emerging, a national identity is being defined through new readings of their history and that history is anchored in sacred symbols.

To tell the history of new India, a history that does not unduly privilege only a few people, it needs to go beyond texts and find new meanings and identity in objects which need to be debated and contested.

Wherever history has been created through sacred symbols, it has given voice to the voiceless. The Sengol will restore that role. It is to speak for the thousands and millions who gave their lives and who wanted to come out of the enslavement through fighting the British. The Sengol will restore that voice in the hall of the New Parliament.

In the Sengol perhaps, we will see the image of a new kind of ruler, not an ‘I’ but a ‘we’, not an individual but a representative of whole class. Seven decades of personality cult may end with a crushing blow soon.

But the most important change about the Sengol is that in one sacred symbol alone we see the old regime going and the new regime emerging, and the change from one to the other. There are very few symbols like this in history where a historic transition is present before us. It is that the people of India did what no one had ever done and will create a new world and push it forward. That is the ideology of Sengol and the New Parliament where it is going to reside. The Sengol was to be installed in the parliament at a time when the Indian people had thrown off the biggest empire in the world and sent them packing home. They had overtaken massive famines, two world wars. It was a time when the world said ‘This is a country that has been enslaved for centuries, how can it come on its own?’

The Sengol will give rise to poetic imagination and recreation of our history through symbols, something that has been missing from the Indian perspective. It will take away the writing of history through texts and speeches by a select few and making us believe what never happened.

It will make us see the continuity of our civilization, delve deep into imagination, into our past and legacy and create a future unshackled by colonial legacy. It will remind our future generations that the transfer of power was not a single individual event as portrayed but a complex event drenched in blood of millions.

One can say that an injustice done by one prime minister and foisted upon the country has been undone something that only another prime minister could do, not anyone else.

I also feel glad to say it happened in my lifetime. I know I am not alone when I say this.

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Indian Subcontinent Partition Documentation Project Inc.

ISPaD Needs Help from Y O U

Several Bengali Americans in New York, individuals whose families were victims of partition of the Indian Subcontinent – especially of former British-Indian Bengal – formed a partition documentation project called ISPaD or Indian Subcontinent Partition Documentation Project Inc. to save the history and experiences of lost and displaced individuals and families, their villages, their life, and of survivors and that of protectors.

The Project has received not-for-profit status from the Departments of Education and State of New York State and a 503-C tax-exempt status from the I.R.S. (of the U.S. Government). ISPaD is open to all.

The purposes of the project are:

a) Document information from the people affected by the partition.

b) Collect historical records.

c) Study and document demographic and social changes caused by the partition.

d) Create a center to disseminate and share the information with the public and civic groups and rights organizations engaged globally in such activities.

e) Interact with the concerned governments and international bodies to raise awareness about the plight of the victims of ethnic cleansing and support the needy.

f) Organize meetings, seminars, conduct scholarly research, and publish journals and books.

g) Solicit funds to support the above activities.

Ispad is looking for individual and family stories, documents, pictures, narratives, deeds, artifacts, books, family history, stories of refugees, survivors, protectors and that of the lost ones, tapes, films, videos of Bengal, Punjab, Assam, Kashmir, and Indian partitions – from 1947 through the present. I’m pleased to help Partition Documentation! Here’s my gift! Please make checks payable to ISPaD: The Indian Subcontinent Partition Documentation Project Inc. Donation Amount $______ [ ] One time; [ ] Yearly _________ ; Monthly _______ (Approx. Date)

Name _____________________________________________ Address__________________________________________ Email_____________________________________________ Phone ____________________

Mail to: ISPaD, 85-60 Parsons Blvd, Jamaica, NY 11432; Phone: 917-524-0035; www.ispad1947.org; ISPaD: Indian Subcontinent Partition Documentation Project Inc. and Check on YouTube Ispad1947 Channel; email: ispad1947@gmail.com Board of Directors: Mr. Priyotosh Dey (IT Specialist), Dr. Sachi G. Dastidar (Distinguished Professor Emeritus & Author); Dr. Tom Lilly (Attorney & Professor); Dr. Shefali S. Dastidar, (Urban Planner, NYC); Dr. Alireza Ebrahimi (Professor and Social Activist); Mr. Dilip Chakravorti (Social Activist), Ms. Priyota Dey (Educationist); Project Coordinator Mr. Shuvo G. Dastidar (Educator and Social Media Person)

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Wishing a Successful 2023 Partition Center Journal and Forum

Dr. Bhola Banik, Long Island

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Dr. Akkaraju Sarma, Pennsylvania

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Dr. Alireza Ebrahimi, Long Island

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Dr. Tom Lilly, Long Island

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Laura Healey & Linda Rennie, Long Island

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Overseas Supporters

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Drs. Sachi & Shefali G. Dastidar

Queens, New York

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Sugarland, Texas

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Empireslastcasualty2

Partition Center (ISPaD) Journal 2023

Established: 2009

Web: YouTube— ispad1947 Channel.

Blog: Empireslastcasualty.blogspot, and Empireslastcasualty2.blogspot

Sachi (Sabyasachi) Ghosh Dastidar

ISPaD Needs Help from Y O U

Wishing a Successful

2023 Partition Center Journal and Forum

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2023 Partition Center Journal and Forum

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